MPIfG Working Paper 02/2, March 2002
Perspectives on European Integration - A British View
by David Miliband
David Miliband has been Member of
Parliament for South Shields since June 2001. He was previously Head of the
Prime Minister's Policy Unit (1997-2001) and Head of Policy in the Office of the
Leader of the Opposition (1994-1997). From 1989 to 1994 he was Research Fellow
at the Institute of Public Policy Research, and from 1992 to 1994 Secretary of
the Commission on Social Justice. David Miliband edited "Reinventing the
Left" in 1994, and co-edited "Paying for Inequality" (also 1994).
He was a founder of the Centre for European Reform.
This working paper is based on a public
lecture David Miliband held at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of
Societies on February 19, 2002.
I bring to the debate about Britain and Europe the perspective of rootless
Europeanism. My father was born in Belgium, his parents in Warsaw; my mother and
her parents were born in Poland. The European story has for centuries been one
of cultural exchange, people movement and the cross-fertilisation of ideas, as
well as a litany of death, destruction and military struggle. My generation has
found stability in a world of enormous change. It is, however, a particular
irony that one of my predecessors as MP for South Shields should, as British
Home Secretary in the late 1940s, have turned down an immigration application
from my grandfather to come to Britain, to re-join his son, my father, in
Britain where they had spent the War.
Today, the unification of Europe means that we cooperate militarily as we
compete economically. The end of the Cold War, the maturation of the European
ideal and the growing recognition of interdependence provide a unique
opportunity for my generation to help develop a peaceful and prosperous Europe
for the future.
I spent the four years up until last June in government working mainly in the
domestic policy field, but for the six months of the Belgian Presidency of the
EU in the second half of last year I was lucky enough to serve with Jacques
Delors, Giuliano Amato, Jean-Luc Dehaene and Bronislaw Geremek on an ad hoc
advisory group to Prime Minister Verhoftstadt on the future of Europe, planning
the agenda for the Convention to be convened next week, and ultimately the IGC
in 2004. That helped me see the collapse of any hard and fast distinction
between domestic and European policy. European policy is domestic policy. My
argument about the future direction of Europe can be simply stated:
|| The European Union has in the next ten years the chance to build on
|| Britain and the European Union have much to offer each other: I believe
British ideas can enrich the EU,
|| and finally Germany can play a major role in consumating this unlikely
It is easy to become depressed if one spends too much time debating the EU.
Surprisingly, this is not only the case for readers of the British press, who
read about viruses carried by Euro coins, European plans to ban the British pub
game of darts on health and safety grounds, and even European directives to
harmonise the size of coffins. None of these stories are true. But the
continental media are also afflicted by ennui, cynicism and angst - and they are
just reporting the weltschmerz of politicians.
Last year Joschka Fischer said people saw the EU as a "faceless,
soulless Eurocracy". PM Verhofstadt said "I share much of the
criticism on the present community approach: non-transparency, too much
bureaucracy, and lack of democratic legitimacy." Lionel Jospin asked
whether Europe ran the risk of falling apart if it enlarges to the borders of
The EU can be frustrating, opaque, and bureaucratic; its compromises can be
maddening, its structures bewildering, its hauteur infuriating. But that is the
way of an experiment in governance. After hundreds of years of trying, national
governments are also riven with these problems, so it should be no surprise that
Europe is as well.
Yet my perspective is that far from the EU being "en panne", or
broken down, it has actually had rather a successful decade. Look at the record.
The successful launch of Euro notes and coins is obviously the shining example.
But the EU is also forging a defence identity; moving, if in rather a crab-like
fashion, towards common standards in the field of justice and home affairs; and
we are well into the enlargement negotiations that will truly unify Europe in a
manner inconceivable twenty years ago.
Europe certainly has its problems. Unemployment, social exclusion, racism -
sure these are challenges. But it is not healthy to believe that every problem
in Europe is the responsibility of the European Union. That is the charge of the
Euro-sceptics, yet it is also sometimes the mistake of the greatest European
The EU will succeed or fail in the years ahead not by whether it solves every
European problem. The real test is rather how it helps nations and regions rise
to these challenges. Let me emphasise that formulation: the EU exists to help
nations and regions rise to the challenges of globalisation.
The test of EU action is its capacity to add value; where the EU can help
tackle problems that would otherwise overcome national governments, and where it
can make a constructive contribution, then it should act. Where it cannot add
value, it should keep out of the way. This is a stronger version of the
subsidiarity thesis: Europe is a political response to globalisation, not
another layer of government trying to solve local problems.
I believe there are great opportunities for the European Union to contribute
to a healthy Europe and a more stable world. But I do not believe that we are at
the equivalent of Philadelphia in 1787; we are not charged with designing a
country called Europe, or a state called the EU. Instead our job is to respond
to the growing interdependence that is a feature of the world around us, and
develop international institutions - part intergovernmental, part supranational
- that match this need.
My starting point is that the debate about the future of the EU must address
the concerns of European citizens; it must engage with the changing external
environment, both economic and political; and it must be dedicated to solve the
problems of the future rather than those of today, otherwise we will end up
driving the European car by looking in the rear-view mirror. In other words, the
starting point is substance not institutions. In this respect, I am very much at
one with Prime Minister Jospin, who argued last year that institutional reform
can only be successful when geared to substantive outcomes.
It is significant that successful IGCs, for example in 1985 and 1991, were
driven by substantive projects, namely the establishment of the single market
and the single currency respectively. Meanwhile those that have started with
technical institutional reforms have become mired in detail, for example
Amsterdam in 1997 and Nice in 2000, and achieved more limited results.
Institutional reform is in my book the means to deliver the substantive end. It
is not, or at least not primarily, an end in itself.
I believe that the functionalist approach to European integration, based on
developing institutional responses to the need for economic, social or
environmental integration, serves a useful purpose. We should start with the
substantive goals that unite us, and then develop institutional reforms to
achieve them. I believe three substantive challenges are pre-eminent:
|| First, as our economies become more competitive and interdependent the EU
must resolve the macroeconomic challenges that stand in the way of steady
growth, and help address the microeconomic challenges that are more national and
local in nature. This calls for us to nurture the variety of models of the
social market economy that exist in Europe, each playing to their strengths.
|| Second, an enlarged Europe must address cross-border issues including crime
and population movement. I think Giuliano Amato has a good point when he says
the EU needs to be institutionally rebalanced, from an economic focus where
centralisation has arguably gone too far, to a focus on justice and home
affairs, where it is only just being developed.
|| Third, we must promote European values in a world of competing interests,
from trade and the environment where we have a well-developed function to
foreign affairs and defence where the European contribution is more limited and
In the resolution of each of these three challenges, the EU can help Britain,
but also Britain help the EU. The EU is good for Britain for many of the reasons
it is good for Germany:
The deepening of economic integration, spurred by the EU, has helped make
war within Europe impossible, and more prosaically helped drive a remarkable
process of wealth creation that is now the source of jobs for an estimated 3
million UK workers,
||EU social programmes have helped raise the sights of British policy-makers,
and improved social protection within the UK,
||EU environmental programmes have driven up
environmental standards, from cleaning up beaches to eliminating CFCs,
|| and recently EU military cooperation has helped avert civil war on Europe's
border, in Macedonia.
In the future the EU can offer Britain much:
|| A transparent single market, with, we hope, a growth-oriented macroeconomic
regime that brings stability and sustained growth to the Euro-zone,
|| stable borders to mitigate the problems of global migration flows,
|| a judicial space in which safety and security are promoted, and
cross-border crime tackled,
|| a foreign policy and defence identity that complements national action.
Polls suggest only grudging acceptance of Britain's membership of the EU, but
one should remember that in France only 50% think EU membership is a good thing,
and in Germany 55%. In the British case, the problem is partly that Europe is
seen as being run by other people, for their benefit. We have to show that
Britain can help run the EU, for our benefit as well as everyone else's.
Institutions, Economics, Foreign Policy
So what can Britain bring to the next phase of European construction?
First, politics and institution-building. I believe Britain can bring a
realistic and hard-headed alternative to the false choice between
inter-governmentalism and supra-nationalism. This is a difficult thing to say in
Germany, but it is a false choice because the EU is already more than a
"Europe des patries", but it is not ready to - and nor should it - try
to behave like a country. Europe's strength comes from synthesising the national
and regional strengths that exist around Europe, not from replacing them.
I believe Britain can join with others in arguing for an EU that is built on
the back of national identity and democratic legitimacy, not at the expense of
them. As Monnet said, the EU is a unique political form - based on power-sharing
between representatives of nations, peoples and the common European interest. I
believe we should keep it that way.
There is a natural tendency to judge the democratic credentials of EU
institutions against the tried and tested methods of national democracy. Hence
talk of the democratic deficit. But what people want above all from the EU is delivery; while legitimacy is essential democracy is a bonus; the real source of
discontent in Europe today concerns the effectiveness of EU actions. That is why
I emphasise the delivery deficit.
I recognize concerns about the democratic deficit, and will return to it
later, but we delude ourselves if we think that we will make the EU more popular
by making it more democratic; opinion polls over the last forty years show no
such relationship. What Europe needs above all else is clear, strategic
leadership coupled with tactical, short term flexibility. This should be the
priority for the next two years of debate, and I believe the Convention could do
much worse than spend its early "listening" phase focusing on the
weaknesses in the EU's delivery systems.
In practical terms, this points to the development of much stronger strategic
leadership for the EU from the European Council, and from the Councils of
Ministers. The revolving presidency may have been appropriate for a Europe of
six, but it does not work in a Europe of 15.
Jean Monnet said that the buck stopped with the European Council because it
is the ultimate source of authority in the EU, and I agree with him. The
European Council needs a leadership team, perhaps drawn from three or four
countries at any one time, to provide sustained leadership over, say, a two and
a half year period. This group should be elected by their peers. They should be
supported by a more focussed machinery for carrying forward the agenda set by
I would also like to see a 'policy board' created for the EU, either through
a fortnightly meeting of Ministers for Europe, or through the subject councils -
Agriculture, Environment etc. - which could each elect a chairman for a similar
two and a half year period. Either way, in between the now three-monthly
European Council cycle, there would be a mechanism to progress-chase European
I also believe that when legislating the European Council, and Councils of
Ministers should operate in public - which would do more to attach European
citizens to the decisions made in their name than all manner of institutional
There are strong arguments for the Commission to be streamlined. 27
Commissioners will not have enough to do. Since reducing the number of
Commissioners seems beyond the reach of realpolitik, we should have six or eight
senior Commissioners supported by junior colleagues - the equivalent of State
You will notice that I have not proposed the direct, or indirect, election of
the European Commission President. This seems to me the wrong answer to the wrong
question. We do want to strengthen European identity; we do want to connect
European citizens to European decisions; we do want to see a greater sense of
solidarity; but we do not need institutionalized conflict between national
leaders and the European Commission, while a European demos does not exist to
support such an elected post. Some argue we should create the post in order to
drive the creation of just such a demos. But that seems to me to get the
institutional horse before the functional cart. The European Parliament already
has gained a good deal of power which it has not used, and a stronger role for
national leaders is the clearest way to tackle popular disconnection from the
EU. It may not be neat and tidy, but it reflects the multi-layered democracy we
are trying to create; as such it has a chance of working.
Let me turn to economics. In his very interesting speech last year Land
President Clement said: "It is precisely the tension between competition
and progressive economic integration…which creates an environment where ideas,
innovations and social progress can thrive."
I think this is a really important insight - and let me emphasise the
combination of competing and collaborating. Some people see the two as
antithetical. I don't. It is the way of the world in modern business, and we
need to learn from it.
As David Soskice and Peter Hall have recently demonstrated in their
fascinating volume "Varieties of Capitalism", we do have different
models of the social market economy within Europe; each has distinctive
strengths; and not only would the wholesale importation of one model be
impossible, it is also likely to be inadvisable. Our challenge today is to
modernise the variety of models of the social market economy that exist in
Europe, based on their own strengths, traditions, and histories, not to try and
harmonise them into a single model. Ironically, there is an unholy alliance
between maximalists and minimalists for European integration: both argue that
fair competition requires homogeneity, for neo-liberals imposed by market forces
alone, for those who favour deepest possible integration by regulation to
prevent competition. Neither is sensible.
As I argued before a German audience in Berlin three years ago, diversity of
approach allows us to spread risks, to test out different ways of working, and
to benchmark best practice. The problem is not that this variety exists, nor
that a degree of competition is inherent in this difference. I have seen no
compelling evidence that social dumping is the cause of serious unemployment
variations around Europe. The ability of nations and regions to bring together
companies, regulations, finance, skills and technology clusters in different
ways reflects the comparative advantages that arise from different production
strategies. The social market economies in Europe are united by common values of
social justice, and all have a minimum wage for example, but are distinctive for
the different ways they have put them into practice, and I believe that is a
strength not a weakness.
This approach has quite serious implications for a variety of areas of public
policy. It suggests above all that the debate about competences of the EU, far
from being a technical matter, is highly political, with substantive
implications for European policy makers. In other words, do not leave the debate
about competences to the lawyers; a neat solution will not necessarily be an
effective one. Above all, we should in the economic and social field be looking
to the EU to set objectives, but with sufficient flexibility at national and
local level to respond to European diversity. For example:
|| Social policy at European level may stipulate certain desirable objectives,
but the variety of practice when it comes to funding pensions or paying for
health care or organising unemployment benefit means that these issues should
remain matters of national and regional diversity.
|| While European company statute and measures like the takeovers directive
can help complete the single market and stimulate economic growth, we should
celebrate the different comparative advantages of our respective economic and
industrial histories, whether the strength of bank-industry relationships in
Germany, the vibrancy of UK capital markets and the role of the City of London,
or the benefits that seem to have accrued to France from their distinctive model
of economic governance.
|| The harmonisation of tax rates, far from being essential to protect the tax
base, would actually remove an essential piece of flexibility within the
Euro-zone; we should tackle unfair competition but say no to a fiscal
|| Subsidiarity should become a matter of economic and social interest not
simply political theory; vitality, flexibility, innovation, all are vital to
effective economic and social policy.
Fritz Scharpf, your co-director, wrote a brilliant book in the 1980s -
"Crisis and Choice in European Social Democracy". He argued, I think,
that the collapse of the Keynesian Welfare state marked the end of social
democracy in one country. His very tentative conclusion was that social
democrats' only hope was to look to the European level for salvation.
There is a good debate to be had about what would constitute a distinctively
social democratic approach to European integration, but with the benefit of
hindsight we can, I think, see that Fritz was too gloomy. The global scale of
capital movements does impose disciplines and constraints on social democratic
governments, but national and local governments have not been neutered. My
argument is that the scope for national and regional diversity not only exists,
but rather that it is essential that it is used. In a Europe where 60-plus per
cent of trade is within the Euro-zone, comparative advantage allows for a
positive sum game between countries and regions. There are good arguments for
social floors that reflect our values, and for a pragmatic approach to tackle
unfair competition, but the counterpart of the stability that comes from the
Euro - and will I hope in due course come to the UK too - is that flexibility
and dynamism must be retained on the supply side.
Thirdly, let me talk briefly about European security and defence which is not
my field of expertise but which is increasingly important in the dangerous world
in which we live.
I believe that President Bush's State of the Union speech was highly
significant. It drew on earlier interventions by him since September 11, but it
marked - and was intended to mark - a significant shift in US foreign policy.
The Bush doctrine has at its core a determination to destroy the capacity for
terrorism against US citizens and interests. I believe it would be foolish to
underestimate either the determination of the President to pursue this agenda,
or the serious threat that is posed by states and individuals with the capacity
to deploy weapons of mass destruction, or support terrorism.
However, I also believe that a commitment to destruction must be complemented
by an equal determination to engage in a process of construction. At a minimum
this must involve construction of a meaningful dialogue with those elements
within the Islamic world that want peaceful coexistence. But it should mean
more: the construction of a multilateral organisation that can promote a world
order based on clear values of democracy and the rule of law; the construction
of economic relationships that are essential to give people a stake in the
liberal order we espouse; the commitment to a policy of "no rights without
responsibilities" applied to all nations who want to be part of the
international community, whether promoting security, protecting the environment
or tackling global poverty.
We should remember that it is actually Usama Bin Laden who wants to see a
"clash of civilisations", a call to the umma - the Muslim diaspora -
to rise up against the West. We must not play into his hands.
In both the processes of destruction and construction the EU has a
potentially important role to play. European countries, working where necessary
through the EU, should work closely with the US to help disrupt and if possible
destroy networks dedicated to the use of terror for political ends. This means
intelligence-sharing, judicial cooperation, and where appropriate joint military
activity. The EU should also be using its economic and political muscle to help
construct the networks that can build engagement - whether based on trade,
mediation or aid.
In the week after September 11th, a leading scholar told me that politics in
the short term would be focussed on the need to contain terrorist networks. When
I asked him what he meant by short term, he replied - "twenty years".
He wasn't joking: both destruction and construction are long term jobs.
The institutional implication concerns the division of responsibilities
between the Chairman of the Council of Foreign Ministers, the so-called Mr CFSP
Javier Solana, and the European Commissioner for Foreign Affairs. My hunch is
that there is one too many jobs here. A Chairman of the Foreign Ministers'
Council elected for two and a half years would help. There is also a strong case
for merging the other two posts. A single line of authority on foreign policy
makes sense; and housing it within the Commission would be possible as long as
the post-holder reported back to Foreign Ministers.
Britain and Germany
Let me conclude by saying a word about Britain and Germany. There is much
that differentiates our two countries, and I don't just mean our history. Your
state is federal, ours is unitary. You are at the centre of Europe, we are at
the periphery. Yours is a consensual political model, ours is built on conflict.
Your country is more religious, but we have an established church. The list goes
But the potential for commonality of interest to overcome divisions of
history and tradition is great; and crucially, a united front from Britain and
Germany can set an important intellectual and political agenda for Europe.
Fortuitously, a pamphlet published last week from the Centre for European Reform
examined this commonality of interest, and called for an Anglo-German
"alliance of necessity" to lead European reform.
Let me set out three points where we certainly do have a common interest in
The UK and Germany have a shared interest in strengthening the legal and
political commitment to subsidiarity. This could involve stronger Treaty
language, and/or a role for national and regional politicians to help police a
clear constitutional settlement. The demand for decentralization is heard in all
our countries, not just in the EU, but the principle is right, and subsidiarity
must be shown to mean something.
The UK and Germany have approached the construction of the new Europe from
different angles, but we both have a strong commitment to enlargement of the EU.
We both believe that enlargement can bring prosperity and the greater chance of
stability to Europe's "near abroad". We are going to have to fight
hard to develop a fair and secure expansion. This will mean tough decisions on
the budget, and some of its egregious excesses like the CAP, but it is vital
that enlargement is a spur to reform.
The UK and Germany have a shared awareness of the importance of the
Transatlantic relationship to the EU, for different but powerful historical
reasons. We both need to work hard to make multilateralism work. Europe will not
prosper as a rival to the US, but it has the potential to be a distinctive
partner in reaching out to Asia and the developing world.
These are major tasks for the years ahead. Britain and Germany can help each
other without excluding others. There is a big agenda. I look forward to
discussing it with you.
Copyright © 2002 David Miliband
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